Appendix E. Results of Linguistic Research
==========================================

  Revision 1.4 of this page, last updated on 2003/02/17.
   (C)opyright 1995-2003 Mark H. Nodine


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   [http://www.cs.brown.edu/fun/welsh/AppendixE.html]

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Contents:
   E.1. Stress in Welsh Pronunciation
   E.2. Epenthetic Vowels
     E.2.1. The Basics of Epenthetic Vowels
     E.2.2. The Copying Rule and Vowel Shifts

E.1. Stress in Welsh Pronunciation
----------------------------------
  [by Briony Williams <briony@cstr.edinburgh.ac.uk>]

  The question of word-level stress in Welsh is exactly what I did
  my PhD on (finished in 1983). The main experiment was published
  as: "Pitch and duration in Welsh stress perception: the
  implications for intonation", Journal of Phonetics (1985), vol.
  13, pp. 381-406. I'll summarise below:

  I made several recordings of native Welsh speakers, both in the
  studio and in the field (literally! at the National Eisteddfod at
  Machynlleth in 1981). I made sound spectrograms of the speech, and
  measured the duration of vowels and consonants from these, as well
  as the intensity and fundamental frequency (F0) of vowels. I
  carried out a statistical analysis of these measurements, and
  found that there was a statistically significant lengthening of a
  consonant after a stressed vowel. In contrast to stress in
  English, German, etc., there was no consistent lengthening of
  stressed vowels, and no significantly greater intensity or higher
  F0 on stressed vowels. In this respect, Welsh seemed to break all
  the rules (about the acoustic realisation of stress) that had been
  formulated by non-Welsh-speaking phoneticians.

  I then carried out a perceptual experiment to check the perceptual
  (and hence linguistic) validity of these speech-production
  findings. I used the word- pair "ymladd" (to fight) / "ymla+dd"
  (to tire oneself out). The first has lexical stress on the penult,
  the second on the ultima. this was the only stress-related minimal
  pair I could find in Welsh. I recorded a native speaker
  pronouncing these words, then used a waveform editing package to
  alter the duration of the /m/ in stages for each word. For each of
  the several word tokens thus produced, I used LPC synthesis to
  resynthesise the token, and overlaid a new, synthesised F0
  pattern. I prepared a tape with these stimuli in random order and
  played it to ten native Welsh speakers. The results of analysing
  their responses confirm that the cue to perceived lexical stress
  was a complex interaction of the pitch pattern and the duration of
  the /m/. In several cases, a stimulus derived from "ymladd" was
  perceived as "ymla+dd", and vice versa, given appropriate /m/
  duration and F0 pattern. So perceived lexical stress in Welsh
  depends to some extent on the duration of the post-stress
  consonant, as well as on the intonational patterns of Welsh.

  I also carried out a study of rhythm in my recorded utterances,
  and found that if the penult were counted as the stressed
  syllable, then there was more of a tendency to isochrony than if
  the ultima were counted as stressed (isochrony is the tendency for
  stressed syllables to recur at regular interavals, however many
  unstressed syllables intervene - i.e., rhythmic regularity). So
  the penult functions as the keystone of the rhythmic unit in
  Welsh.

  There's an interesting footnote in a thesis by J. Martin Rees
  ("Aspects of Welsh intonation", 1977, Univ. of Edinburgh). He
  observes that several non- Welsh-speaking English speakers, when
  played samples of Welsh words and asked to locate the stress,
  consistently chose the ultima, which is more acoustically
  prominent than the (stressed) penult. I tried this out in a
  limited way, and got the same general result. It's because stress
  in English is a matter of longer duration, greater intensity and
  (usually) higher F0, none of which necessarily occur on stressed
  penults in Welsh (but they do occur on unstressed ultimas, and on
  stressed monosyllables, which are a different story - i.e., they
  never lost their stress in the Old Welsh Accent Shift, as there
  was nowhere for the stress to shift to).

E.2. Epenthetic Vowels
----------------------

E.2.1. The Basics of Epenthetic Vowels
......................................
  [by Briony Williams]

  The internal structure of the syllable is often described in terms
  of the "Sonority Hierarchy", whereby the least sonorous sounds
  occur towards the outside of the syllable, and the most sonorous
  sounds occur in the centre of the syllable. A summarised sonority
  scale (and references to published work) can be found in R. Hogg
  and C.B. McCully, "Metrical Phonology: A Coursebook" (1987)
  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. The scale (given on p. 33)
  is as follows (most sonorous elements first, with examples):

    ---------------------------------------------------------------------------
    low vowels (/a/), mid vowels (/e/), high vowels (/i,u/), "flaps" (/r/),
    laterals (/l/), nasals (/m,n,ng/), voiced fricatives (/v,dh,z/), voiceless
    fricatives (/f,th,s/), voiced stops (/b,d,g/), voiceless stops (/p,t,k/).
    ===========================================================================

  This works for most syllables in Welsh: e.g., camp, celf, gair,
  beirdd. It's also true of English, among many other languages. But
  the syllables with (potential) epenthetic vowels in Welsh break
  this rule, so that (unless the epenthetic vowel is inserted) the
  outermost segment is **more** sonorous than its neighbour. A new
  (here, epenthetic) vowel causes a new syllable, hence a reset of
  the segment position.
 
  The question might be asked: If -dr in "lleidr" splits because you
  cannot end a syllable with it, what is the mechanism for it to
  hold together in "lladron"?

  The answer is that the second vowel forms the nucleus of a new
  syllable, and the /r/ syllabifies with this instead of with the
  first vowel, so it's no longer in a sonority relationship with the
  /d/, hence there's no longer any problem. (Either that, or both
  the /d/ and the /r/ syllabify with the second vowel: in this case,
  the sonority values of the segments follow the rules (most
  sonorous segment nearest the vowel) so again there's no problem).
 
E.2.2. The Copying Rule and Vowel Shifts
........................................
  [by John Koch <jtkoch@husc.harvard.edu>]

  Nick Kibre <6500njk@ucsbuxa.ucsb.edu> wrote that:
> From various grammars I have gathered that there is a
> vowel-copying rule in Welsh which changes words like
> aml, pobl, cefn
> into
> amal, pobol, cefen

  Geraint Jones <geraint.jones@OXFORD.WOLFSON.AC.UK> responded:
> Are there really rules that determine what intrusive vowels get
> used? Since they depend on accent (or do I mean dialect?) the
  rules
> will have to vary too. Because the intrusive vowel is always
> unaccented it is sometime hard to tell, but I think that I always
> put a dark "y" in aml, not an "a"; also an "y" in "lleidr",
  whereas
> I would bet that someone from Bangor would put an obvious "a" in
  it,
> and someone from Corwen an "i" (except that I may have the Corwen
> and Bangor accents the wrong way around...).

  Nick Kibre further responded:
> It's possible that I got the impression that there is a vowel
> copying rule by comparing "aml" as pronounced in an "a"-inserting
> dialect with "llyfr" as pronounced in a "y"-inserting dialect.
> Another issue is that, even if there is a copying rule, certain
> words with apparently copied vowels, like "pobol" have become
  fairly
> standard (I am assuming so since they are written this way) & may
  be
> used in dialects with no such rule. My only solid source on the
> copying issue is an (annoyingly short) section in Pedersen's
> Vergleichende Grammatik, which has very few examples.
 
> Anyway, even if the vowel inserted is not a copy, I'm still
  curious
> as to whether it causes w & dark-y to become schwa-y.
 
  This rule, so far as I have been able to glean, affects only
  etymological monosyllables ending in consonant clusters with final
  -r, -l, -n. The copied vowel then makes the word behave just like
  a historical two-syllable word; hence the first syllable of llyfyr
  has schwa and the second the clear-y sound, as though the word had
  been disyllabic llyfyr in the first place. Similarly, in the
  southern dialects (and this is basically a southern thing) that
  get long vowels in open stress penultimate syllables, these new
  monosyllables get lengthened penultimates, e.g., [ke:ven] for
  cefn. (Schwa is never long; so the rule would not generally apply
  to llyfyr, though I don't know what would happen in schwaless
  Pembrokeshire dialects. You might get two clear y's with the first
  longer.)


